Δημοψήφισμα, πιστέψτε τους!

2 Σχόλια

Σας λένε μην τους πιστέψετε https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=urnzNbNL_8I
Εγώ λέω το ανάποδο, πιστέψτε τους 🙂

Επιγραμματικά:

Τι σημαίνει δημοψήφισμα σύμφωνα με τον Υπουργό Οικονομικών:

“κακά τα ψέμματα , αν γίνει δημοψήφισμα, θα είναι δημοψήφισμα για το Ευρώ”
Βίντεο με την δήλωση: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bcIrFV4NA-c

Τι σημαίνει δραχμή σύμφωνα με τον Υπουργό Οικονομικών του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Γιάννη Βαρουφάκη:

“η χώρα θα είχε βυθιστεί στο απόλυτο σκότος. το ρολόι θα γύρναγε πίσω πολλές δεκαετίες. Η φτώχεια θα εισέβαλε στο 80% των νοικοκυριών”

Σύμφωνα με τον οικονομολόγο Λαπαβίτσα, βουλευτή του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ για μερικούς μήνες θα προμηθευόμαστε με δελτίο στην ουρά τα αγαθά (τροφή, κωλόχαρτο κλπ) (rationing) μέχρι να περάσουμε πλήρως στην δραχμή.

Ολόκληρες οι δηλώσεις με τις πηγές τους:

Από το άρθρο του Βαρουφάκη:
“Σε είκοσι λεπτά θα είχαν στεγνώσει όλα τα ΑΤΜ καθώς όλοι θα γνώριζαν ότι το νέο νόμισμα θα υποτιμηθεί βάναυσα (σε σχέση με το ευρώ) μερικά λεπτά της ώρας μετά την δημιουργία του. Φυσιολογικά, όλοι θα τραβούσαν όσο πιο πολλά ευρώ μπορούσαν από τις τράπεζες. Αύριο το πρωί οι ουρές έξω από τις τράπεζες θα ήταν ατελείωτες και μετά από μια ώρα οι τράπεζες θα κατέβαζαν τα ρολά. Η οικονομία θα κατέρρεε. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Κεντρική Τράπεζα θα απόσυρε την υποστήριξη των τραπεζών (μιας και θα έπαυε να είναι η Κεντρική μας Τράπεζα) και έτσι εκείνες δεν θα ξανα-άνοιγαν τις πόρτες τους. Μέχρι το κράτος να παράξει το νέο νόμισμα (κάτι που παίρνει βδομάδες), η χώρα θα είχε βυθιστεί στο απόλυτο σκότος. Χωρίς πρόσβαση στις χρηματαγορές, στο απεχθές ΔΝΤ, στην ανεκδιήγητη ΕΕ, το ρολόι θα γύρναγε πίσω πολλές δεκαετίες. Η φτώχεια θα εισέβαλε στο 80% των νοικοκυριών” – Γιάννης Βαρουφάκης, Υπουργός Οικονομίας της Κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ
Πηγή: http://www.protagon.gr/?i=protagon.el.article&id=6245

Από την συνέντευξη του Λαπαβίτσα:
«So the government would have to impose capital controls immediately, and it would have to impose bank controls immediately. It goes without saying. It would have to do what the EU did in the Cyprus case. Now, how long these controls will last and what form they will take will be a matter of how the situation unfolds. They will certainly last for a significant length of time. And some form of capital controls will of course remain, as they ought to.
Bank controls, assuming the situation becomes regularized in a reasonable period of time, can begin to be lifted after a few months. But these two are immediate measures, paramount measures, that will have to done immediately.

Then there will be the issue of re-denominating everything in the new currency. That will generate a host of legal issues — we will need an army of lawyers — because the easiest way of carrying out re-denomination is essentially is one-to-one.

This isn’t as difficult as some people like to make out. It will not be a pleasant period, but that’s not sufficient. It’s not enough in and of itself to say that exit should not be countenanced. In the fullness of time, the cost of a few months of difficulty amounts to nothing. And if there is some planning, that cost can be significantly reduced.

Concretely, we’re talking about rationing, aren’t we?

Yes, we’re talking about a process of rationing.» – Λαπαβίτσας, βουλευτής ΣΥΡΙΖΑ

Πηγή: https://www.jacobinmag.com/…/lapavitsas-varoufakis…/

Υπερπληθωρισμός

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hyperinflation

Τι είναι ο υπερπληθωρισμός; Όταν το Κράτος τυπώνει πάρα πολύ χρήμα για να πληρώσει τις δαπάνες του (πχ μισθούς Δημοσίων Υπαλλήλων) οι τιμές των προϊόντων διπλασιάζονται μέσα σε λίγες ώρες, παίρνεις τον μισθό στο χέρι και μέχρι να πας στο σουπερμάρκετ ουσιαστικά είναι σαν να σου έκλεψε η Κυβέρνηση τον μισό (στην Ουγγαρία αυτό γινόταν κάθε 15,3 ώρες). Από ένα σημείο και μετά τα χαρτονομίσματα δεν αξίζουν ούτε το χαρτί που τυπώθηκαν και αναγκάζεται η Κυβέρνηση να τυπώσει χαρτονομίσματα με μεγαλύτερη ονομαστική αξία.

Αυτό δεν είναι κάτι θεωρητικό, έχει συμβεί στο παρελθόν στην Αυστρία, Κίνα, Γαλλία, Γερμανία, Ουγγαρία, Βόρειος Κορέα, Φιλιππίνες, Σιγκαπούρη, Γιουγκοσλαβία, Ζιμπάμπουε.

Η Ουγγαρία το 1946 έφτασε στο σημείο να τυπώνει χαρτονόμισμα με ονομαστική αξία 100,000,000,000,000,000,000 pengő (το νόμισμα της).

Το αποτέλεσμα του υπερπληθωρισμού είναι οι πολίτες να τρέχουν να προμηθευτούν όσα πιο πολλά αγαθά μπορούν όσο πιο γρήγορα μπορούν πριν ο μισθός τους χάσει την αξία του και κατά συνέπεια να αδειάζουν τα ράφια και να υπάρχει έλλειψη βασικών αγαθών πέρα από κάθε προηγούμενο.

Επίσης αυτό δεν είναι κάτι θεωρητικό, έχει συμβεί πρόσφατα στην Βενεζουέλα (με μεγάλο πληθωρισμό, όχι υπερπληθωρισμό) όπου δεν έβρισκαν να αγοράσουν χαρτί υγείας

Golden mean fallacy

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Απάντησα στο άρθρο που λέει ότι είμαστε οι φιλελεύθεροι είναι οι νέοι κομμουνιστές.
λέει: «EXTREME POSITIONS: The relationship between social happiness and economic success can be plotted on a bell curve, and the sweet spot is away from the extremes of either pure liberty or pure communitarianism. »

και του απαντώ :Ρ

He is right about not taking extreme positions, we ‘ve seen what Far right ideologies like National Socialism did to Germany and far left ideologies like Socialism did to the USSR. If you imagine two axis with the x taking values from far left to far right and the y axis taking values from no Statism to absolute Statism the relationship between social happiness and economic success can be plotted on a REVERSE bell curve and the sweet spot is away from the extremes of either pure Nazism or pure Communism. Center-left like the Democrats and center-right like the Conservatives brought us where we are now, in economic Crisis, it is time to leave the extremes and half way measures and adopt libertarian policies. 😛 (see? you ‘re not the only one that can make an empty argument based on the Golden Mean fallacy – argumentum ad temperantiam)

We are the sweet spot, the middle ground, the Golden mean 😛

absolute Statism
/|\
.|………..Communists…………….Nazis
.|…………………*……………………*
.|………………….*…………………*
.|……………………*……………..*
.|………………………*………..*
.|…………………………..***
.|-far-left——————sweet-spot————-far-right->
.|……………………….Libertarians
no Statism

MICROSOFT – Η σκοτεινή πλευρά της Πληροφορικής;

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Τρίτη, Μαρτίου 04, 2008

Οι εχθροί της, την αποκαλούν Αυτοκρατορία, λόγω της επικράτησης της στον χώρο των λειτουργικών συστημάτων. Όμως μια Αυτοκρατορία παίρνει την εξουσία με την χρήση της Βίας

Σε αντίθεση με τα Κρατικά απόλυτα-μονοπώλια που στηρίζονται στην Βία, το σχεδόν-μονοπώλιο της Microsoft δημιουργήθηκε επειδή οι χρήστες προτιμούν τα προϊόντα της. Θα μπορούσε να πει κανείς ότι «εκλέχθηκε» ως πρώτη ανάμεσα στις άλλες, μέσω των μηχανισμών της άμεσης Δημοκρατίας της Αγοράς. Κάθε αγορά από την μεριά των καταναλωτών-ψηφοφόρων, ήταν και μια ψήφος εμπιστοσύνης.

Το 1998 η Κυβέρνηση των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών κινήθηκε εναντίον της δικαστικά ώστε να αποτρέψει την διάθεση των Windows μαζί με τον φυλλομετρητή Internet Explorer στην Αγορά. Το ίδιο έκανε πρόσφατα και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, βάζοντας της πρόστιμο $613.000.000 επειδή στο σύστημα της συμπεριλάμβανε τον Windows Media Player.

Αυτές όμως οι ενέργειες υποτίθεται ότι αποσκοπούν στην προστασία των καταναλωτών, όχι των ανταγωνιστών.

Δημιουργούνται λοιπόν τα εξής ερωτήματα: Έχουν δικαίωμα να επεμβαίνουν με αυτόν τον τρόπο; Είναι όντως αυτό που θέλουν οι καταναλωτές;

Το πρώτο πράγμα που βλέπουμε είναι η καταπάτηση της ιδιοκτησίας της Microsoft. Ιδιοκτησία είναι το δικαίωμα χρήσης και διάθεσης περιουσίας. Καταναγκάζοντας την Microsoft να βγάλει τον Media Player από τα Windows καταπατείται ακριβώς αυτό το δικαίωμα της. Να χρησιμοποιεί και να διαθέτει την περιουσία της όπως αυτή νομίζει καλύτερα. Ουσιαστικά χάνει τον έλεγχο της περιουσίας της, και μια περιουσία δίχως την δυνατότητα ελέγχου, παύει να είναι ιδιοκτησία.(*)

Η ιδιοκτησία πηγάζει από το αξίωμα της αυτο-ιδιοκτησίας του Ατόμου. Το σώμα ενός ανθρώπου ανήκει στον ίδιο, άρα και οι καρποί της εργασίας του, είναι ιδιοκτησία του. Η χρησιμοποίηση της ιδιοκτησίας του από τρίτους για την εξυπηρέτηση σκοπών που δεν έχει θέσει ή συναινέσει ο ίδιος, σημαίνει χρησιμοποίηση του ίδιου του ατόμου δίχως την θέληση του. Από αυτήν την άποψη οι ενέργειες του Κράτους είναι ανήθικες εφόσον ουσιαστικά προϋποθέτουν την δουλεία.

Το δεύτερο αξιοπερίεργο γεγονός που παρατηρούμε, είναι ότι υποχρεώνουν την Microsoft να πουλήσει στην Αγορά, ένα προϊόν που είναι κατώτερο από αυτό που πουλούσε μέχρι πρόσφατα. Οι καταναλωτές εξ’ αιτίας αυτής της παρέμβασης έχουν στην διάθεση τους, στην ίδια τιμή, ένα προϊόν με μειωμένες δυνατότητες -εφόσον τα προγράμματα αυτά έρχονταν δωρεάν μαζί με το λειτουργικό- και αυτό δεν είναι επιθυμητό από τους περισσότερους.

Παρ’ όλα αυτά η Republic μπορεί πολύ εύκολα να μετατραπεί σε Empire αν της δωθούν εξουσίες(**) που της δίνουν την δυνατότητα να παραβιάζει τις ελευθερίες μας.

(*) «fascism leaves ownership in the hands of private individuals, but transfers control of the property to the government. Ownership without control is a contradiction in terms: it means ‘property,’ without the right to use it or to dispose of it.» – Ayn Rand

(**) Monopoly in reality is «a grant of special privilege from the State reserving a certain area of production to one particular individual or group.» – Murray Rothbard

Φανερός Εθνικοσοσιαλισμός

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Nazi: σύντμηση του Nationalsozialistische = Εθνικοσοσιαλιστής

Nobody can reproach the Nazis with having concocted their plots clandestinely.

The Nazis themselves advertised their ambitions in innumerable books & pamphlets & in every issue of their numerous newspapers & periodicals. – Ludwig von Mises

mix

Δεν έχουμε σκοπούς πολιτικάντικους, ούτε και υποφέρουμε από το άγχος της κοινοβουλευτικής παρουσίας, δεν αναζητούμε μια θέση κάτω από τον ήλιο της δημοκρατίας, αρνούμεθα την δημοκρατία, αρνούμεθα την αρχή της πλειοψηφίας, αρνούμεθα την πολιτική του marketing και παραμένουμε πιστοί, σήμερα που όλοι γίνανε άπιστοι, παραμένουμε πιστοί στα οράματα της Εθνικοσοσιαλιστικής Ιδέας.
Χίλια εννεακόσια ογδόντα επτά, σαράντα δύο χρόνια μετά, μετά, με την σκέψη και την ψυχή μας δοσμένη στην Μνήμη του Μεγάλου μας Αρχηγού, υψώνουμε το δεξί χέρι ψηλά, χαιρετούμε τον Ήλιο και με το θάρρος, που μας επιβάλλει η Στρατιωτική μας Τιμή και το Εθνικοσοσιαλιστικό μας καθήκον κραυγάζουμε γεμάτοι πάθος, πίστη στο μέλλον και στα οράματά μας: HEIL HITLER!
Νίκος Μιχαλολιάκος

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Ayn Rand on Socialism

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Επειδή φοβάμαι ότι κάποια στιγμή αυτό το site θα πέσει παραθέτω τις απόψεις της Ayn Rand για τον Σοσιαλισμό, τον διεθνιστικό και τον Εθνικοσοσιαλισμό – φασισμό.

«Socialism is the doctrine that man has no right to exist for his own sake, that his life and his work do not belong to him, but belong to society, that the only justification of his existence is his service to society, and that society may dispose of him in any way it pleases for the sake of whatever it deems to be its own tribal, collective good.» 
– From The New Intellectual

«The essential characteristic of socialism is the denial of individual property rights; under socialism, the right to property (which is the right of use and disposal) is vested in ‘society as a whole,’ i.e., in the collective, with production and distribution controlled by the state, i.e., by the government. Socialism may be established by force, as in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – or by vote, as in Nazi (National Socialist) Germany. The degree of socialization may be total, as in Russia – or partial, as in England. Theoretically, the differences are superficial; practically, they are only a matter of time. The basic principle, in all cases, is the same.» 
– From «The Monument Builders»

«There is no difference between the principles, policies and practical results of socialism – and those of any historical or prehistorical tyranny. Socialism is merely democratic absolute monarchy – that is, a system of absolutism without a fixed head, open to seizure of power by all comers, by any ruthless climber, opportunist, adventurer, demagogue or thug. When you consider socialism, do not fool yourself about its nature. Remember that there is no such dichotomy as ‘human rights’ versus ‘property rights.’ No human rights can exist without property rights. Since material goods are produced by the mind and effort of individual men, and are needed to sustain their lives, if the producer does not own the result of his effort, he does not own his life. To deny property rights means to turn men into property owned by the state. Whoever claims the ‘right’ to ‘redistribute’ the wealth produced by others is claiming the ‘right’ to treat human beings as chattel.» 
– From «The Monument Builders»

«There is no difference between communism and socialism, except in the means of achieving the same ultimate end: communism proposes to enslave men by force, socialism – by vote. It is merely the difference between murder and suicide.» 
– From «Foreign Policy Drains U.S. of Main Weapons» 

«Both ‘socialism’ and ‘fascism’ involve the issue of property rights. The right to property is the right of use and disposal. Observe the difference in those two theories: socialism negates private property rights altogether, and advocates the ‘vesting of ownership and control‘ in the community as a whole, i.e., in the state; fascism leaves ownership in the hands of private individuals, but transfers control of the property to the government. Ownership without control is a contradiction in terms: it means ‘property,’ without the right to use it or to dispose of it. It means that the citizens retain the responsibility of holding property, without any of its advantages, while the government acquires all the advantages without any of the responsibility. In this respect, socialism is the more honest of the two theories. I say ‘more honest,’ not better – because, in practice, there is no difference between them: both come from the same collectivist-statist principle, both negate individual rights and subordinate the individual to the collective, both deliver the livelihood and the lives of the citizens into the power of an omnipotent government – and the differences between them are only a matter of time, degree, and superficial detail, such as the choice of slogans by which the rulers delude their enslaved subjects.» 
– From «The New Fascism: Rule by Consensus»

Ο μύθος του λύκου και του αρνιού

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Από το βιβλίο του Umberto Eco «Με το βήμα του κάβουρα:

Καταχρώμαι σημαίνει «χρησιμοποιώ την δύναμη μου για να αντλήσω οφέλη ενάντια στο συμφέρον του θύματος» και «δρω ενάντια στην εντιμότητα ξεπερνώντας τα όρια του θεμιτού», πολύ συχνά αυτός που καταχράται ξέροντας ότι καταχράται, θέλει κατα κάποιον τρόπο να νομιμοποιήσει την κίνηση του και τέλος -όπως συμβαίνει στα δικτατορικά καθεστώτα- να αποσπάσει τη συναίνεση από την πλευρά αυτού που υφίσταται την κατάχρηση ή να βρει κάποιον που είναι διατεθειμένος να δικαιώσει αυτή την κίνηση του. Έτσι, μπορεί κανείς να καταχράται και να χρησιμοποιεί ρητορικά επιχειρήματα για να δικαιώσει την κατάχρηση εξουσίας του.

Από τον μύθο του λύκου και του αρνιού στον Φαίδρο:

Ο λύκος και το αρνί διψάσανε και φτάσανε στην ίδια όχθη. Ψηλότερα στεκότανε ο λύκος – πολύ πιο χαμηλά το αρνί. Τότε, σπρωγμένος από την ξέφρενη λαιμαργία του, ο κακούργος εκείνος έψαξε πρόφαση να καβγαδίσει.
«Γιατί» του ρίχτηκε «μου θόλωσες το νερό που έπινα;» Τότε το αρνί του λέει κατατρομαγμένο: «Με συγχωρείς, λύκε, πως μπορεί να έκανα αυτό που με κατηγορείς; Από σένα κατεβαίνει το νερό που πίνω»

Το νερό παρασέρνει θραύσματα και απορρίματα από τα ψηλά προς τα χαμηλά και όχι από τα χαμηλά προς τα ψηλά.

Τότε εκείνος, διαψευσμένος απ’ τα γεγονότα, επιμένει: «Πάνε έξι μήνες που με κακολογείς. Και το αρνί απαντάει: «Μα εγώ ούτε που είχα γεννηθεί!» Και ο άλλος: «Ο πατέρας σου, μα τον Ηρακλή, με κακολογούσε». Και με αυτά τα λόγια, το αρπάζει και, ενάντια σε κάθε δίκιο, το ξεσκίζει. Αυτός ο μύθος αφιερόνεται σε όποιον επινοεί προφάσεις για να καταπιέσει τους αθώους.

Ο μύθος μας λέει δυο πράγματα. Ότι όποιος καταχράται προσπαθεί πάνω απ’ όλα να δικαιωθεί. Αν η δικαίωση καταρριφθεί, αντιπαραθέτει στην ρητορική το μη επιχείρημα της δύναμης.

Frozen yogurt

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People just blindly grabbed at whatever there was: communism, health foods, zen, ballet, hypnotism, group encounters, orgies, biking, herbs, Catholicism, weight-lifting, travel, withdrawal, vegeterianism, India, painting, writing, scultping, composing, conducting, back-packing, yoga, copulating, gambling, drinking, hanging around, frozen yogurt, Beethoven, Bach, Buddha, Christ, TM, H, carrot juice, suicide, handmade suits, jet travel, New York City and then it all evaporated and fell apart. People had to find things to do while waiting to die.

Women – Charles Bukowski.

THE GOSPEL OF RELAXATION

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Ο άνθρωπος που έβγαλε την φράση «the survival of the fittest» μπορεί να φαίνεται παράδοξο* αλλά πίστευε ότι η υπερβολική δουλειά είχε πλήξη σοβαρά την υγεία του και ότι η κοινωνική εξέλιξη θα έπρεπε να οδηγήσει στο να δουλεύουμε λιγότερο και να ζούμε για την ευχαρίστηση περισσότερο.

* I have spoken to
that immense injury is being done by this high-pressure life–the
physique is being undermined. … But Nature quietly
suppresses those who treat thus disrespectfully one of her highest
products and leaves the world to be peopled by the descendants of those
who are not so foolish.

HERBERT SPENCER

THE GOSPEL OF RELAXATION

[Speech of Herbert Spencer at a dinner given in his honor in New
York City, November 9, 1882. William M. Evarts presided.]

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN:–Along with your kindness there
comes to me a great unkindness from Fate; for now, that above all times
in my life I need the full command of what powers of speech I possess,
disturbed health so threatens to interfere with them, that I fear I
shall often inadequately express myself. Any failure in my response you
must please ascribe, in part at least, to a greatly disordered nervous
system. Regarding you as representing Americans at large, I feel that
the occasion is one on which arrears of thanks are due. I ought to begin
with the time, some two and twenty years ago, when my highly valued
friend, Professor Youmans, making efforts to diffuse my books here,
interested on their behalf Messrs. Appleton, who have ever treated me so
honorably and so handsomely; and I ought to detail from that time onward
the various marks and acts of sympathy by which I have been encouraged
in a struggle which was for many years disheartening.

But intimating thus briefly my general indebtedness to my numerous
friends most of them unknown on this side of the Atlantic, I must name
more especially the many attentions and proffered hospitalities met with
during my late tour as well as, lastly and chiefly, this marked
expression of the sympathies and good wishes which many of you have
travelled so far to give at great cost of that time which is so precious
to an American. I believe I may truly say that the better health which
you have so cordially wished me will be in a measure furthered by the
wish; since all pleasurable emotion is conducive to health, and as you
will fully believe, the remembrance of this evening will ever continue
to be a source of pleasurable emotion exceeded by few if any of my
remembrances.

And now that I have thanked you sincerely though too briefly, I am going
to find fault with you. Already in some remarks drawn from me respecting
American affairs and American character, I have passed criticisms which
have been accepted far more good-naturedly than I could reasonably have
expected; and it seems strange that I should now again propose to
transgress. However, the fault I have to comment upon is one which most
will scarcely regard as a fault. It seems to me that in one respect
Americans have diverged too widely from savages. I do not mean to say
that they are in general unduly civilized. Throughout large parts of the
population even in long-settled regions there is no excess of those
virtues needed for the maintenance of social harmony. Especially out in
the West men’s dealings do not yet betray too much of the «sweetness and
light» which we are told distinguish the cultured man from the
barbarian; nevertheless there is a sense in which my assertion is true.

You know that the primitive man lacks power of application. Spurred by
hunger, by danger or revenge he can exert himself energetically for a
time, but his energy is spasmodic. Monotonous daily toil is impossible
to him. It is otherwise with the more developed man. The stern
discipline of social life has gradually increased the aptitude for
persistent industry; until among us, and still more among you, work has
become with many a passion. This contrast of nature is another aspect.
The savage thinks only of present satisfactions and leaves future
satisfactions uncared for. Contrariwise the American, eagerly pursuing a
future good almost ignores what good the passing day offers him; and
when the future good is gained, he neglects that while striving for some
still remoter good.

What I have seen and heard during my stay among you has forced on me the
belief that this slow change from habitual inertness to persistent
activity has reached an extreme from which there must begin a
counter-change–a reaction. Everywhere I have been struck with the
number of faces which told in strong lines of the burdens that had to
be borne. I have been struck, too, with the large proportion of
gray-haired men; and inquiries have brought out the fact that with you
the hair commonly begins to turn some ten years earlier than with us.
Moreover, in every circle I have met men who had themselves suffered
from nervous collapse due to the stress of business, or named friends
who had either killed themselves by overwork or had been permanently
incapacitated or had wasted long periods in endeavors to recover health.
I do but echo the opinion of all the observant persons I have spoken to
that immense injury is being done by this high-pressure life–the
physique is being undermined. That subtle thinker and poet whom you have
lately had to mourn–Emerson,–says in his «Essay on the Gentleman,»
that the first requisite is that he shall be a good animal. The
requisite is a general one–it extends to man, the father, the citizen.
We hear a great deal about the «vile body»; and many are encouraged by
the phrase to transgress the laws of health. But Nature quietly
suppresses those who treat thus disrespectfully one of her highest
products and leaves the world to be peopled by the descendants of those
who are not so foolish.

Beyond these immediate mischiefs, there are remoter mischiefs. Exclusive
devotion to work has the result that amusements cease to please; and
when relaxation becomes imperative, life becomes dreary from lack of its
sole interest–the interest in business. The remark current in England
that when the American travels, his aim is to do the greatest amount of
sight-seeing in the shortest time, I find current here also; it is
recognized that the satisfaction of getting on devours nearly all other
satisfactions. When recently at Niagara, which gave us a whole week’s
pleasure, I learned from the landlord of the hotel that most Americans
come one day and go away the next. Old Froissart, who said of the
English of his day that «they take their pleasures sadly after their
fashion,» would doubtless, if he lived now, say of the Americans that
«they take their pleasures hurriedly after their fashion.» In large
measure with us, and still more with you, there is not that abandonment
to the moment which is requisite for full enjoyment; and this
abandonment is prevented by the ever-present sense of multitudinous
responsibilities. So that beyond the serious physical mischief caused by
overwork, there is the further mischief that it destroys what value
there would otherwise be in the leisure part of life. Nor do the evils
end here. There is the injury to posterity. Damaged constitutions
re-appear in their children and entail on them far more of ill than
great fortunes yield them of good. When life has been duly rationalized
by science, it will be seen that among a man’s duties the care of the
body is imperative not only out of regard for personal welfare, but also
out of regard for descendants. His constitution will be considered as an
entailed estate which he ought to pass on uninjured if not improved to
those who follow; and it will be held that millions bequeathed by him
will not compensate for feeble health and decreased ability to enjoy
life.

Once more, there is the injury to fellow-citizens taking the shape of
undue regard of competitors. I hear that a great trader among you
deliberately endeavored to crush out everyone whose business competed
with his own; and manifestly the man who, making himself a slave to
accumulation, absorbs an inordinate share of the trade or profession he
is engaged in, makes life harder for all others engaged in it and
excludes from it many who might otherwise gain competencies. Thus,
besides the egoistic motive, there are two altruistic motives which
should deter from this excess in work.

The truth is there needs a revised ideal of life. Look back through the
past, or look abroad through the present, and we find that the ideal of
life is variable and depends on social conditions. Everyone knows that
to be a successful warrior was the highest aim among all ancient peoples
of note, as it is still among many barbarous peoples. When we remember
that in the Norseman’s heaven, the time was to be passed in daily
battles with magical healing of wounds, we see how deeply rooted may
become the conception that fighting is man’s proper business and that
industry is fit only for slaves and people of low degree. That is to
say, when the chronic struggles of races necessitate perpetual wars
there is evolved an ideal of life adapted to the requirements. We have
changed all that in modern civilized societies, especially in England
and still more in America. With the decline of militant activity and
the growth of industrial activity the occupations once disgraceful have
become honorable. The duty to work has taken the place of the duty to
fight; and in the one case as in the other the ideal of life has become
so well established that scarcely anybody dreams of questioning it.
Practical business has been substituted for war as the purpose of
existence.

Is this modern ideal to survive throughout the future? I think not.
While all other things undergo continuous change, it is impossible that
ideals should remain fixed. The ancient ideal was appropriate to the
ages of conquest by man over man and spread of the strongest races. The
modern ideal is appropriate to ages in which conquest of the earth and
subjection of the powers of Nature to human use is the predominant need.
But hereafter, when both these ends have in the main been achieved, the
ideal formed will probably differ considerably from the present one. May
we not foresee the nature of the difference? I think we may.

Some twenty years ago, a good friend of mine and a good friend of yours,
too, though you never saw him, John Stuart Mill, delivered at St.
Andrew’s an inaugural address on the occasion of his appointment to the
Lord Rectorship. It contained much to be admired, as did all he wrote;
there ran through it, however, the tacit assumption that life is for
learning and working. I felt at the time that I should have liked to
take up the opposite thesis. I should have liked to contend that life is
not for learning nor is life for working, but learning and working are
for life. The primary use of knowledge is for such guidance of conduct
under all circumstances as shall make living complete–all other uses of
knowledge are secondary. It scarcely needs saying that the primary use
of work is that of supplying the materials and aids to living
completely; and that any other uses of work are secondary. But in men’s
conceptions the secondary has in great measure usurped the place of the
primary.

The apostle of culture, as culture is commonly conceived, Mr. Matthew
Arnold, makes little or no reference to the fact that the first use of
knowledge is the right ordering of all actions; and Mr. Carlyle, who is
a good exponent of current ideas about work, insists on its virtues for
quite other reasons than that it achieves sustentation. We may trace
everywhere in human affairs a tendency to transform the means into the
end. All see that the miser does this when making the accumulation of
money his sole satisfaction; he forgets that money is of value only to
purchase satisfactions. But it is less commonly seen that the like is
true of the work by which the money is accumulated–that industry, too,
bodily or mental, is but a means, and that it is as irrational to pursue
it to the exclusion of that complete living it subserves as it is for
the miser to accumulate money and make no use of it. Hereafter when this
age of active material progress has yielded mankind its benefits there
will, I think, come a better adjustment of labor and enjoyment. Among
reasons for thinking this there is the reason that the processes of
evolution throughout the world at large bring an increasing surplus of
energies that are not absorbed in fulfilling material needs and point to
a still larger surplus for humanity of the future. And there are other
reasons which I must pass over. In brief, I may say that we have had
somewhat too much of the «gospel of work.» It is time to preach the
gospel of relaxation.

This is a very unconventional after-dinner speech. Especially it will be
thought strange that in returning thanks I should deliver something very
much like a homily. But I have thought I could not better convey my
thanks than by the expression of a sympathy which issues in a fear. If,
as I gather, this intemperance in work affects more especially the
Anglo-American part of the population, if there results an undermining
of the physique not only in adults, but also in the young, who as I
learn from your daily journals are also being injured by overwork–if
the ultimate consequence should be a dwindling away of those among you
who are the inheritors of free institutions and best adapted to them,
then there will come a further difficulty in the working out of that
great future which lies before the American nation. To my anxiety on
this account you must please ascribe the unusual character of my
remarks.

And now I must bid you farewell. When I sail by the Germanic on
Saturday, I shall bear with me pleasant remembrances of my intercourse
with many Americans, joined with regrets that my state of health has
prevented me from seeing a larger number.

MacOS X: Lion-like spaces for Snow Leopard

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1. Go to System Preferences and select «Expose & Spaces», enable spaces and create one row and four columns.
2. Go back to System Preferences, choose «Mouse» and disable «two fingers swipe to navigate».
3. Install MagicPrefs. Go to Swipes, set «two finger swipe left» to «Switch space right» and set «two finger swipe right» to «Switch space left» (natural -iPhone- scrolling :P).

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